By Adam Fagan, Indraneel Sircar
The states offer an enticing distinction. The complicated, fragmented associations in Bosnia-Herzegovina resulted from an the world over imposed structure, as a part of an formidable undertaking to construct a kingdom from scratch. Serbia inherited its administrative and technical capacities from Yugoslavia, so the transformation is concentrated on adapting practices from the former regime to conform with ecu criteria.
Focusing on a specific coverage area – environmental governance – the e-book considers how new associations are created and the way they enhance along current buildings on a countrywide and european point. It analyses consultative strategies round significant infrastructure tasks in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia funded by means of overseas monetary associations equivalent to the area financial institution in an effort to determine to what quantity foreign companies and different governmental and non-governmental corporations have contributed to environmental governance in response to eu top practice.
Read Online or Download Europeanization of the Western Balkans: Environmental Governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia PDF
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Additional resources for Europeanization of the Western Balkans: Environmental Governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia
However, the flaw in this argument is essentially that when the state is too weak, and the capacity of the non-state/NGO sector is also undeveloped, neither side is provided with sufficient incentive to engage the other. , 2000). This was less of a concern in CEE states, but poses a significant risk in the Western Balkans. Weak states are unlikely to recapture regulatory capacity once authority and power have been transferred to NGOs or the market. Second, overempowering non-state or private actors, who are likely to bear the costs of compliance, can lead to ‘lowest common denominator’ policy decisions and solutions, as well as an accountability deficit.
The emergence of new actor configurations and the growth of pro-change networks involving NGOs as well as government actors occurred much later (early 2000s) and proved critical in terms of new modes of policy making and implementation that involved NGOs; the EU did much to initiate and nurture this, not least through the provision of assistance to ‘green’ civil society organizations and the development of pan-European green networks (Bomberg, 2007). There were numerous intervening and contingent variables at work, but the EU accession process set a clear agenda for progressive change and provided resources to allow new constellations of actors and knowledge to emerge.
The final shape of the policing agreement between the parties was in the form of an action plan, and not a more substantive accord for the details of police reform (Collantes, 2009). Similarly, the initialing of the SAA by Rehn rewarded the first steps in starting negotiations on constitutional reform, not the conclusion of such a process. Thus, the events at the end of 2007 could indicate a ‘climb-down’ from the conditionality initially proposed by the EU, and more generally, the weakness of ‘soft power’ as a mechanism for externally driven compliance (Fagan, 2010).