By Lisa Beljuli Brown
Based on a year’s examine from inside of a Brazilian slum, this research follows a sequence of unemployed girls who watch as much as six hours of telenovelas an afternoon, frequently in the middle of hard actual labour in the house. the ladies endure relating to their our bodies, yet at the same time put money into a masochistic glorification of affliction that hyperlinks their lives to the cleaning soap operas, revealing worrying valuations of the feminine physique that traverse fact and fiction. via its exploration of this day-by-day integration of actual pain and fictional glamour and wealth, ‘Body components on Planet Slum’ finds how fable and social exclusion can jointly set off a kind of mental survivalism, permitting those ladies to reconfigure the important positive aspects in their lifestyles – their ache, excitement, sexuality and embodiment.
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Extra info for Body Parts on Planet Slum: Women and Telenovelas in Brazil
Francisca does not know how to start. She stares at the divining shells on the table. He stares at her voluptuous lightbrown cleavage and divines the cause of her embarrassment. ‘If you don’t want to bring another child into the world, then I can prepare something for you. Cravo tea. ’ He lifts his great frame up and goes through a curtain just behind her. Francisca makes a plan: ‘I will prepare it early tomorrow morning, and then, if Livia is right, I should be rid of it by the afternoon novela’.
10 BODY PARTS ON PLANET SLUM Apart from the telenovelas, many of the women enjoyed watching the daytime chat shows in which telenovela stars were discussed and interviewed. ) Once I got to know the women and began to pop in unexpectedly, I noticed that although the television was always on, the women did not seem to ever actually sit down and watch for a significant period of time. They were not being ‘viewers’ in the sense in which it is conventionally understood – instead, they were being mothers, workers, carers and cleaners whilst the television was on in the background.
The final story places religious belief and 14 During the military dictatorship (1964–85), some people in the bairros, such as Tania, moved from being active in the Catholic base communities to the Communist party. The participatory discourse of liberation theology and its questioning of power and legitimacy led people like Tania to question the power and wealth of the church. At the same time, liberation theology’s identification and support of the poor and their criticism of the government alienated much of the Catholic Church’s middle and upper-middle-class clientele, who were threatened by what they perceived as ‘Marxist’ influences contaminating the Catholic Church (Levine in Keogh 1990).