By Alison Alkon, Deborah Cowen, Melissa Wright, Nik Heynen
Farmers markets are even more than areas to shop for produce. in keeping with advocates for sustainable meals structures, also they are locations to “vote together with your fork” for environmental defense, vivid groups, and powerful neighborhood economies. Farmers markets became necessary to the circulation for food-system reform and are a shining instance of a becoming eco-friendly financial system the place shoppers can store their solution to social change.
Black, White, and Green brings new strength to this subject via exploring dimensions of race and sophistication as they relate to farmers markets and the golf green economic climate. With a spotlight on Bay region markets―one within the basically white local of North Berkeley, and the opposite in principally black West Oakland―Alison desire Alkon investigates the probabilities for social and environmental swap embodied by means of farmers markets and the fairway economy.
Drawing on ethnographic and old resources, Alkon describes the meanings that farmers industry managers, owners, and shoppers characteristic to the trading of neighborhood natural meals, and the ways in which these meanings are raced and classed. She mobilizes this study to appreciate how the golf green economic system fosters visions of social switch which are suitable with fiscal progress whereas marginalizing those who are not.
Black, White, and Green is without doubt one of the first books to scrupulously theorize the golf green financial system, to check the racial dynamics of nutrition politics, and to technique problems with nutrients entry from an environmental-justice viewpoint. In a realistic feel, Alkon bargains an empathetic critique of a newly well known approach for social swap, highlighting either its strengths and limitations.
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Additional info for Black, White, and Green: Farmers Markets, Race, and the Green Economy
Against this context, Berkeley activists took a more countercultural turn, attempting to liberate a space where they could not only organize but develop a utopian vision. Mario Savio, one of the free speech movement’s most prominent leaders, emphasizes the Park’s revolutionary purpose: “As I see it, the great hope implicit in People’s Park is that in our leisure time, so to speak, we will make the social revolution. Property is not a thing to keep men apart and at 38 • chapter three war, but rather a medium by which men can come together to play” (ibid).
Indeed, former bpp minister of education Ericka Huggins claims that “the government was so embarrassed by our Free Breakfast Program that it started the national free breakfast program” (quoted in B. Jones 2007). The counterculture that pervaded but was not exclusive to Berkeley in the 1960s gave rise to the desire for local and organic food so integral to farmers markets like North Berkeley (Belasco 1993). Similarly, we can see the roots of its West Oakland counterpart, and food justice activism more broadly, in the Free Breakfast for School Children program.
For people of color, the regulatory phase included the establishment and major campaigns of the environmental justice movement. Jones’s third phase, which he calls investment, describes the rise of the green economy. The question he raises is the one described in chapter 1: Will society continue to create conditions of “eco-apartheid,” in which the benefits derived from the green economy serve only wealthy and white communities, or will it move toward conditions of “eco-equity”? Unlike natural capitalists, Jones sees strong roles for government and popular movements in the creation of market conditions that foster eco-equity.