By C.N. Le
Le broadens the belief of assimilation to incorporate socioeconomic and institutional examples of integration by way of reading results corresponding to source of revenue, occupational status, small company possession, residential segregation, and intermarriage for 5 Asian American teams, with an emphasis on Vietnamese. the implications express that almost all Vietnamese american citizens adventure little drawback or inequality in comparison to different Asian american citizens (and repeatedly with Whites) in terms of attaining structural integration. Le hypothesizes that Vietnamese were in a position to triumph over demanding situations in a comparatively brief period of time by utilizing collective assets and retaining ethnic unity to weave jointly a trend of feat and mobility mixed with culture and solidarity.
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Additional info for Asian American Assimilation: Ethnicity, Immigration, and Socioeconomic Attainment (The New Americans)
50 Asian American Assimilation The Second and Subsequent Waves of Refugees and Immigrants The characteristics of the second wave are intertwined with the push factors that led them to flee Viet Nam beginning in 1977. After the fall of Saigon, the new communist regime began implementing several new economic, political, and agricultural policies based on communist ideology. These included the sometimes brutal “reeducation” of and subsequent systematic discrimination against some 200,000 former South Vietnamese military personnel and their families, the collectivization of farmland, and the forced relocation of citizens from urban to previously uncultivated or heavily damaged rural areas that were designated as “New Economic Zones” (Loescher and Scanlan 1986; Zhou and Bankston 1998).
Like the earlier cohorts, it improved in every measure (with two exceptions) with their biggest improvements coming in personal income, poverty rate, and unemployment. The two exceptions were less than high school completion and homeownership, again similar to earlier cohorts. 3 describes the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the cohorts who arrived in 1991-1994 and 1995-2000. Of note, these cohorts had a relatively high proportion of those who claimed Chinese ancestry, race, or primary language, similar to the 1980-1984 cohort.
Sponsors were also charged with helping the Vietnamese find employment, registering their children in schools, and other adjustment details. By December 1975, some eight months after the first evacuees left Viet Nam, the relocation centers were disbanded (Chan 1991). Scholars have noted that the first wave of refugees from Viet Nam tended to come from the upper and middle classes. S. S. companies in Viet Nam (Caplan, Whitmore and Choy 1989; Gold and Kibria 1993; Kibria 1993; Rutledge 1992; Zhou and Bankston 1998).