By Ivo de Gennaro, Hans-Christian Günther, Hans-Christian Gunther
A far mentioned query in classical experiences is the comparability among the placement of poets in Augustan Rome and that of artists and intellectuals within the totalitarian regimes of the 20 th century. As instructive as this query proves to be for an knowing of the relation among the liberty of paintings and pondering at the one hand and gear at the different, it additionally finds the insufficiency of our current clutch of this significant articulation of our humanity. This quantity deals a multidisciplinary and comparative method of the matter, complementing the old standpoint with a regard on jap traditions. It therefore explores tentative paths for destiny examine on a topic of severe significance for the shaping of the worldwide global.
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Additional info for Artists and Intellectuals and the Requests of Power
Das Sich-rechtfertigen-Müssen, als Eindringling angesehen zu werden, quälte zugleich das Kind. Hier finden wir den Ursprung für seinen Hass gegen das bürgerliche Milieu, den er zunächst nicht zeigen durfte, da er von ihm abhing. In dem Augenblick, da er selbständig wurde, entlud er diesen Hass. Zugleich seine Sympathie für die Unterdrückten. “1 Als er den Wunsch äußerte, durch das Schreiben zu wirken, widersprach der Großvater zuerst. Dann äußerte er einem Mitarbeiter gegenüber, der Junge habe „la bosse littéraire“.
The essential trait and sphere of the polis) had nothing whatsoever to do with this current manner of interpreting it. Fédier’s final point concerned our present manner of conceiving politics and its doubtful adequacy to the political phenomena of the twentieth century. In fact, in our days we are still used to understanding politics on the basis of the opposition of left and right: LEFT RIGHT Fig. e. an opposition of ‘good’ and ‘evil’, where, needless to say, each pole claims for itself the honour of heidegger and politics 29 occupying the ‘good side’.
This passage is to be understood against the background of a cornerstone of Nazi propaganda, according to which, for a people like the German people, any activity, that is, any decision or even any thought that occurred in it, had, in the first place, a political sense. e. the essential trait and sphere of the polis) had nothing whatsoever to do with this current manner of interpreting it. Fédier’s final point concerned our present manner of conceiving politics and its doubtful adequacy to the political phenomena of the twentieth century.